THEORETICAL BACKGROUND
This
dissertation focuses on a group experiment that was conducted on the effects of
chanting the hare krsna maha mantra, a mantra emphasized in the
literature from ancient India for its efficacy in relieving stress, depression,
and other mental health disturbances (Prabhupada, 1976). Therefore, chapter 1
presents some basic theoretical concepts, derived from the Eastern Vedic
literatures, necessary for understanding the process of chanting mantras.
chapter 2 contains a review of the literature on spiritual interventions, a term
which will be defined in chapter 1. The Vedas describe the Hare Krsna maha
mantra as a spiritually-based
intervention for psychological upliftment (Prabhupada), and therefore it is
appropriate to study related theory and literature on spiritual approaches to
mental health improvement.
Considering
the person-in-environment orientation of the social work profession,
spirituality and religion must be acknowledged and respected by social workers,
as these factors are an integral part of practically every human culture, and
they frequently play a central role in the lives of many people. Canda (1988)
emphasizes the importance for social workers to take into account the spiritual
needs of clients so that the fullness of the clients’ human dignity and
potential is recognized and respected in all helping situations. He asserts that
spirituality is a basic aspect of human experience, both within and outside the
context of religious institutions, and that it therefore should be explored more
fully through social work practice, research, and theory building. In the United
States, Gallup Poll data consistently show that approximately 95% of the
population believes in God, and about half the population is actively religious
on at least a weekly basis (Paloutzian & Kirkpatrick, 1995). As the
following literature review will show, religious and spiritual dimensions are
among the most important cultural factors structuring human experience, beliefs,
values, behavior, and illness patterns. It is justifiable, therefore, for
helping professionals to consider the religious and spiritual components of
clients’ lives in attempts to serve the client population.
Bullis
(1996) writes “Traditionally, social work literature has reluctantly addressed
religion’s or spirituality’s impact on clinical practice” (p. 6). He
attributes this to the historic rift between the religious and psychoanalytic
movements, the alleged atheistic orientation of social workers, and economic,
political, and professional competition between religious professionals and
secular social workers. Bullis continues “For the most part spirituality in
social work literature is conspicuous only by its absence” (p. 6).
If
a multicultural perspective is to be more than a facade for social workers, the
phenomena of religion and spirituality must be genuinely appreciated. The term
“genuinely appreciated” is emphasized herein, since Western approaches to
diversity sometimes involve a patronizing pseudo-respect meant to veil a
proselytizing mission that seeks to undermine long-held spiritual and religious
beliefs and replace them with a relativistic viewpoint. Bellah et al. (1991)
relate excerpts from a talk given a few years ago by a student speaker at a
Harvard University graduation:
There is one experience that I believe we have all acquired during
our career at this fine institution, and that, ladies and gentlemen, in a word,
is confusion. The freedom of our day is the freedom to devote ourselves to any
values that we choose, on the mere condition that we don’t believe them to be
true. (pgs. 43-44)
So,
for social workers, whose profession has roots in spiritual and religious
humanitarianism (Dolgoff, Feldstein, & Skolnik, 1993), it may be a good idea
to objectively examine the literature on spirituality as it relates to the many
facets of social work. To reject such literature as being non-scientific due
merely to its content, without consideration of its methodology and substantive
results, may be considered dogmatism.
Literature Categorization
This
paper will address the topic of spiritually-based interventions in the helping
professions, with a focus on the relevance of such interventions to the field of
social work. Writings in this area will be classified into the following
categories: general relevance of spirituality and religiosity to the helping
professions; measurement of spirituality; and spiritual interventions. General
relevance of spirituality and religiosity to the helping professions includes
research pieces that investigate correlations between spiritual and religious
factors and variables such as delinquency, management of HIV/AIDS, hospice work,
depression, self-esteem, and alcohol and drug use. Most of these studies
incorporate quantitative designs, though there are a few qualitative pieces and
some articles that primarily provide commentary on the topic. Measurement of
spirituality includes research articles that attempt to define and measure the
construct of spirituality utilizing psychometric procedures. The spiritual
interventions section contains studies and literature reviews that examine the
effects of an intervention that is purported to be spiritual in nature. These
studies focus on spirituality as a specific intervention that produces effects
on pre-defined dependent variables, whereas the general relevance articles deal
only with correlative relationships. The general relevance of spirituality and
religiosity to the helping professions category will be subdivided into two
major sections- commentary and empirical research. The spiritual interventions
category will also be subdivided into three sections- empirical quantitative
studies, empirical qualitative studies, and literature reviews. This
classification scheme is presented in Figure 1, and will be further explained in
the section entitled summary of literature classification.
General
relevance and measurement articles are presented as supportive material to
illustrate the importance and practicality of the spiritual component to the
helping professions. Articles in the spiritual interventions category will be
comprehensively analyzed and presented in Appendix A. Components of these
research articles, such as theory, design, measurement and results, will be
summarized and synthesized, and the literature in the field will be reviewed and
integrated with attention to gaps in the research.
Spirituality and Religiosity
Bullis
(1996) states that “spirituality refers to the inner feelings and experiences
of the immediacy of a higher power” (p. 2), while religion refers to the
“outward form of belief including rituals, dogmas and creeds, and
denominational identity” (p. 2). Thus, the concepts are related, though not
interchangeable.
To
further explain, we will refer to Vedic philosophy, which constitutes the
orientation of the author, as well as the basis for several of the interventions
described in this paper. According to the Vedas, “spiritual” refers to an
energy that is transcendental to gross and subtle forms of matter. Matter has
gross forms, such as earth, water, air, and space, and subtle forms, including
mind and intelligence. Spiritual energy is distinct from all these forms of
matter. “Religion” refers to rituals, procedures, or institutions that are
meant, at least in principle, to facilitate access to spiritual experience.
Obviously, there are religious adherents who are not very spiritual, and
spiritual persons who do not manifest religious observance (Prabhupada, 1976).
Though
religion is not synonymous with spirituality- some might claim it is antonymous-
studies on religiosity are included in this work because in the literature and
in theory it is closely connected with spirituality and spiritual interventions.
According to the Srimad-Bhagavatam (Prabhupada, 1976), religion is meant to
elevate one to a platform of spirituality, beyond sectarian conceptions that are
based in worldly designations. An example of such a conception is nationality.
According to the Vedas, the self is a spiritual particle that is encased in a
subtle and gross material body. If this body is born in America, then one may
think “I’m American”, if born in Australia, one may think “I’m
Australian”, etc. However, these designations have no inherent connection with
the spiritual self, only with the material covering. To further explain, if
I’m riding in a Toyota, it would be a mistake to therefore conclude that I’m
Japanese. Tomorrow I may ride in a Volkswagen, and then, based on bodily
misidentification, I’d consider myself German. Similarly, our bodies are
material vehicles that have a purpose and should be cared for properly, though
it is illusion to consider the body to be the self. For further clarification of
the distinction between the body and the non-material self, one may ask oneself
“Who is it that is thinking ‘I am the body’ or ‘I am an American’”?
The entity that is thinking is different than the body.
Clearly,
much of what passes as religion in the world today does not qualify as religion
based on the definition of Srimad-Bhagavatam. Still, religious institutions and
practices continue to serve as a major vehicle for people to achieve
spirituality. In the literature review that follows, this will become more
evident. Therefore, many findings correlating religiosity and attributes of
well-being are included in this paper.
Bullis
(1996) writes that “social workers are just beginning to define the nature of
spirituality in interventions” (p. 17), and reports that many conventional
religious practices, such as prayer and scriptural reading, are used by social
workers and other mental health professionals as interventions. For purposes of
this dissertation, spiritual interventions refer to religious practices or other
observable techniques designed to impact one’s spiritual experience.
Epistemological Justification
for Empirical Study of Spiritual Interventions
Dawson
(1997) asserts that spirituality cannot rightly be subsumed under empirical
science. That is, spirituality should not be reduced to a conception that is
subject, for instance, to the laws of thermodynamics, or is contingent on
Einstein’s equation that relates energy and matter. This would be scientism,
whereby spirit loses its transcendence to matter and becomes subservient to
empirical epistemologies. Dawson maintains that spirituality is a type of
energy, but one not subject to empirical laws.
Since
this paper examines spiritual interventions, and the author does not view
spirituality as merely a component of material science, it may be questioned why
we are investigating positivist research on spiritual topics, and why such
research has been and should be conducted. In response, it should be understood
that science consists of knowledge that can be reliably verified by systematic
procedures of observation. Science is not necessarily limited to material
subject matters. There are procedures employed in spiritual interventions that
yield results that can be reliably assessed, and these procedures can be
conceived as the basis for a spiritual science (Prabhupada, 1976). Empirical
methods can be, and have been, extensively applied in the evaluation of
spiritual science and the effects of religious practice on psychosocial
well-being. In fact, according to Levin, Larson, and Puchalski (1997), writing
on the field of medicine, research on spiritual and religious factors is as
sophisticated as any other area within epidemiology, and findings have been
subjected to greater scrutiny than most research.
Material Science and the Vedas
Keefe
(1996) comments “In the last thirty years, meditation began its marriage to
the rational-empirical tradition of Western science. In this most recent
alliance it is being tested, objectified, stripped of its mystical trappings,
and enriched with empirical understanding” (p. 434). Most of the meditative
methods that are being tested, and that will be analyzed in this paper, are
based in Vedic theory and practices. This illustrates how a spiritual theory
with concomitant praxes can be dovetailed with empirical science. Empirical
support for these methods, in areas such as decreasing depression, stress and
substance abuse, may strengthen the scientific basis of Vedic theory.
Though
the ultimate goal of Vedic science is realization of our spiritual nature, there
is a vast material component in Vedic science. Vedic material science is based
on the three gunas, or modes of nature- sattva, rajas, and
tamas. Characteristics of each mode are extensively described in Vedic
literature, and these descriptions form operational definitions for experimental
science. For instance, a characteristic of tamas guna is depression,
whereas sattva guna is symptomized by a feeling of happiness (Dasgupta,
1961). According to Vedic theory, practice of a meditative process, such as
chanting of certain sound vibrations, will diminish the effects of tamas,
and augment the influence of sattva. Thus, guna theory is
conducive for empirical investigation, in this case by standardized psychometric
tools for assessment of depression and happiness. Much work needs to be done,
however, to further operationalize Vedic concepts and formulate and implement
research designs.
Assumptions Derived from Vedic Theory
Before
concluding the introduction it is appropriate to elaborate on Vedic theory,
especially as it relates to social science, because this is the world view of
the author, and the reader will therefore be better equipped to critique and
understand this paper with an appreciation of Vedic concepts. This presentation
is not meant to be a comprehensive defense of Vedic assertions. The main purpose
is to acquaint the reader with the beliefs of the author, and to prepare the
reader for what follows. This explication of Vedic philosophy will use as a
framework Burrell’s and Morgan’s (1979) four criteria for assessing a social
science theory. These criteria are ontology, epistemology, human nature and
methodology.
Ontologically,
social science approaches can be placed on a continuum with realism and
nominalism at the extremes. Nominalists deny that social structures are real,
and assert that reality is a subjective phenomena, while realists insist that
social structures exist as empirical entities (Burrell & Morgan, 1979). For
Vaisnavas, adherents of Vedic philosophy and culture, creation, consisting of
material and spiritual aspects, is real. This realism is countered, however, by
the understanding that persons in material consciousness, who comprise almost
everyone in this world, falsely perceive reality according to the illusory
conceptions that pervade their mind and intelligence. The Vaisnava social
scientist, therefore, acknowledges the importance of subjectivity in studying
and interacting with people, since subjective understandings are the subtle
force that drives human interaction. Another caveat to regarding Vaisnavas as
realists is the theological notion that reality is a manifestation of the
consciousness of God. In this sense, Vaisnavas may be considered as radical
subjectivists (Prabhupada, 1975).
Epistemologically,
social scientists can be placed on the continuum from anti-positivism to
positivism. Positivist epistemologies, which dominate the natural sciences,
search for regularities and causal relationships in the social world.
Anti-positivists prefer to view social science as a subjective undertaking, and
concentrate on comprehending the experience of the individual, rather than
discovering objective laws governing interaction (Burrell & Morgan, 1979).
Vedic epistemology includes a branch, called anumana, that is equivalent
to the process of modern empirical science. Anumana involves acquiring
knowledge through sensory observations that are then processed, analyzed, and
organized into theories by the mind and intelligence. These theories are then
tested by further observations. Though the Vedas accept this as a possible
approach to knowledge, they also describe the shortcomings of this system. A
major drawback of this method is that it is based on the mind and senses, which
are imperfect in several ways. For instance, our senses make mistakes, and thus
we have erasers on pencils. The senses are susceptible to illusion, and
therefore we may confuse a rope for a snake. Additionally, our senses are very
limited. Though we can’t see what’s happening two inches behind our head,
and have a difficult time remembering what we were doing at this time two weeks
ago, we conjecture, based on empiric data, what happened thousands of light
years away, billions of years ago (Gosvami, 1977).
The
Vedas describe knowledge as innate to the self. This knowledge is covered, and
Vedic social science seeks to extricate the self from this covering. Towards
this goal, positivist and anti-positivist approaches may be used, though
utilization does not negate inherent flaws of a method (Prabhupada, 1975).
With
regards to this dissertation, there is no internal contradiction in studying and
discussing Vedic concepts and methods using positivist approaches. Empirical
methods are condoned by the Vedas, though the Vedas also critique them. Several
other epistemological systems, along with their uses and deficiencies, are also
elaborated in the Vedic literatures. Exposition of these systems is beyond the
scope of this paper, and this short presentation is included to justify the use
of empirical methodologies within a Vedic context.
Voluntarism
versus determinism forms another debate amongst social science theorists.
Voluntarists accept the free will of the human being, whereas determinists
believe that a person’s actions are caused by environmental factors (Burrell
& Morgan, 1979). Vaisnavas view the self as possessing free will. However,
the capacity for self-determination, which stems from the spiritual entity that
is the actual self, is covered by the material energy. To the extent that the
self is covered by the modes of material nature, or gunas, free will
cannot manifest. Thus, the human situation involves a mixture of deterministic
and voluntaristic forces. Circumstances of birth provide boundaries, within the
material sphere of activities, for the self, though free will remains active. A
Vedic social worker assists the self to make the best choices from available
options (Prabhupada, 1976).
Methodologically,
social science research techniques include qualitative and quantitative methods.
Quantitative techniques tend to be compatible with realist, positivist and
determinist approaches (Heineman, 1981). From the Vaisnava vantage point,
quantitative techniques are increasingly useful as the object of study possesses
less consciousness. Thus, a positivist, quantitative research design would be
more effective studying rocks than animals, and less effective when studying
human beings, due to the relatively high degree of consciousness in humans.
Consciousness means free will, and consciousness is considered to be a symptom
of the spiritual energy. When free will enters the equation, predictive capacity
of the scientist decreases. Hence, social sciences are less exact than hard
sciences such as chemistry and physics. Still, material nature covers the free
will of humans to a large extent, and therefore the Vaisnava social scientist
can utilize quantitative methods for researching social interaction and the
activities of the mind and intelligence (Prabhupada, 1976). By employing
quantitative approaches, the social scientist is implicitly expressing
deterministic assumptions about the person(s) being studied. The following
section examines selection and classification procedures for analysis of
research articles on spiritual topics.
Scope of the Present Study
Considering
the concepts described above, we will study the effects of the maha mantra
on variables such as stress, depression, and the three gunas. Prior to
discussing the experiment on the maha mantra, there will be a literature
review on correlations between spiritual and religious factors with indicators
of mental and physical health, and on the effects of spiritual and religious
interventions. This literature review will also include a discussion of the
literature on psychometric attempts to measure spirituality. After the
literature is reviewed and synthesized, the methodology for the group experiment
on the maha mantra will be discussed. Then, in chapter 4, results from
the maha mantra study will be analyzed, with regards to differential
effects on dependent variables between persons who chanted the maha mantra
and persons who chanted an alternate mantra, as well as with persons who did not
chant any mantra. Additionally, a single-system design pilot study of the maha
mantra, which was conducted prior to the group experiment, will be described
in the appendices. Chapter 5 will discuss the results of the group study,
especially as they relate to the theoretical presentations of this chapter, and
the literature review of chapter 2.