Vaisnavism and the Social and Mental Health Sciences

by  David Wolf

Published in the Journal of Indian Psychology

January, 2002

Vaisnavism and the Social and Mental Health Sciences

by  David Wolf

Abstract

This article provides a Vaisnava view of major paradigms of Western sociological theory, including discussion of ontological, epistemological and methodological issues in the social and mental health sciences. Practical applications of scientific methods to Vaisnava theory and practices are discussed. These applications are based on validation of guna theory, and a survey study of the gunas is described. Conclusions of the paper include the unsuitability of Western frameworks for study of Vedic social science, and the capacity for Vaisnava approaches to inform theoretical and practical discussions in the sociological and psychological disciplines.

This article will present a Vaisnava perspective on social and mental health science. First, theoretical issues will be discussed, focusing on ontological, epistemological and methodological concerns. Then, major social science paradigms will be briefly analyzed from a Vaisnava viewpoint, and examples of and possibilities for practical application of Vaisnava social science will be explicated. The final part of this paper will present conclusions regarding Vaisnavism and the social sciences.

Theoretical Issues

            Ontologically, social science approaches exist on a continuum with realism and nominalism at the extremes. Nominalists deny that social structures are real, and assert that reality is a subjective phenomena, while realists insist that social structures exist as empirical entities (Burrell & Morgan, 1979). For Vaisnavas, creation, consisting of material and spiritual aspects, is real. This realism is countered, however, by the understanding that persons in material consciousness, who comprise almost everyone in this world, falsely perceive reality according to the illusory conceptions that constitute their false ego. The Vaisnava social scientist, therefore, acknowledges the importance of subjectivity in studying and interacting with people, since subjective understandings are the subtle force that drives human interaction. Another caveat to regarding Vaisnavas as realists is the theological notion that reality is a manifestation of the consciousness of God. In this sense, Vaisnavas may be considered as radical subjectivists.

            Epistemologically, social scientists can be placed on the continuum from anti-positivism to positivism. Positivist epistemologies, which dominate the natural sciences, search for regularities and causal relationships in the social world. Anti-positivists prefer to view social science as a subjective undertaking, and concentrate on comprehending the experience of the individual, rather than discovering objective laws governing interaction (Burrell & Morgan, 1979). Anumana, the Vedic version of inferential epistemology, closely approximates positivist methods. Though the Vedas accept this approach to knowledge, they declare that it is inferior to the process of sabda brahman, or receiving knowledge from a genuinely authoritative source. Vaisnavas regard positivism as inherently defective because it is based on imperfect senses. Since material minds and senses are intrinsically faulty, they are not suitable instruments for obtaining perfect knowledge or achieving an objective stance. Furthermore, collections of imperfect instruments are also unsatisfactory, and may in fact increase deviance from objectivity, often accompanied by the illusion of impartiality.

            A Vaisnava views knowledge as innate to the self. This knowledge is covered, and Vaisnava social science seeks to extricate the self from this covering. Towards this goal, positivist and anti-positivist approaches may be used, though utilization does not negate inherent flaws of a method. Examples of such utilization will be given later in this article.

            Voluntarism versus determinism forms another debate amongst social science theorists. Voluntarists accept the free will of the human being, whereas determinists believe that a person’s actions are caused by environmental factors (Burrell & Morgan, 1979). Vaisnavas view the self as possessing free will. However, the capacity for self-determination is covered by the material energy. To the extent that the self is covered by the modes of material nature, or gunas, free will cannot manifest.

            Methodologically, social science research techniques include qualitative and quantitative methods. Quantitative techniques tend to be compatible with realist, positivist and determinist approaches (Heineman, 1981). From the Vaisnava vantage point, quantitative techniques are increasingly useful as the object of study possesses less consciousness. Thus, a positivist, quantitative research design would be more effective studying rocks than animals, and least effective when studying human beings, due to the relatively high degree of consciousness in humans. Consciousness means free will. When free will enters the equation, predictive capacity of the scientist decreases. Hence, social sciences are less exact than hard sciences such as chemistry and physics. Still, material nature covers the free will of humans to a large extent, and therefore the Vaisnava social scientist can utilize quantitative methods for researching social interaction and the activities of the mind and intelligence. By employing quantitative approaches, the social scientist is implicitly expressing deterministic assumptions about the person(s) being studied.

Vaisnavism and Social Science Paradigms

            Burrell and Morgan (1979) delineate four paradigms of social science theory, arrayed on the axes of subjective-objective (abscissa) and regulation-radical change (ordinate). Regulation-radical change refers to the extent to which a theory advocates social change as opposed to maintenance of the status quo.

            In the lower-right quadrant are functionalist theories, which are regulatory rather than change-oriented, and which are realist and determinist. These theories utilize positivist epistemologies and include social systems theory and objectivism. Sociological theorists such as Durkheim and Pareto, and psychological theorists such as Freud and Skinner, fit in this paradigm. Ultimately, this paradigm is reductionistic and deterministic, and therefore is opposed to Vaisnava ontology, especially the principle of self-determination. Functionalist theory is strained to provide a basis for ethical and moral principles, such as empathy, respect and compassion. That is, if a person is merely a collection of atoms, what does it matter how others are treated? For the helping professions amongst the social sciences, such as psychology and social work, this poses a dilemma, especially because many social work and psychological theories are rooted in functionalism. As described above, a Vaisnava view of material nature is in accord with the functionalist paradigm, though the philosophies vastly diverge as the soul sheds the coverings of the gunas. Additionally, the Vaisnava social scientist accepts the objectivity of the functionalist, though maintains that epistemologies based on the mundane mind and senses are inadequate for accessing objective reality.

            In the lower-left quadrant is the interpretivist paradigm. These theories are subjectivist, and do not focus on social change. The regulatory function of interpretivist theories is implicit. That is, by virtue of concentrating on the individual as the primary unit of study, these approaches tacitly assert that the individual, rather than social structure, is what needs to change. At the extreme of subjectivist paradigms are solipsistic theories. Closer to the center are phenomenological theories and psychological approaches such as Rogerian client-centered therapy and narrative family therapy.                    

            Without abandoning the concept of objective reality, a Vaisnava social scientist acknowledges the importance of subjective experience in influencing a person’s life and social interaction. A Vaisnava counselor, for example, strives for empathy, though the motivation for empathic communication is different from that of the interpretivist. For a Vaisnava mental health practitioner, endeavors towards empathy are not based on the idea that a person’s belief system is true by virtue of the fact that it exists in subjective consciousness. Rather, empathy naturally flows from the spiritual self and is employed by the Vaisnava counselor to establish a relationship that helps a person become emancipated from the modes of nature, thereby regaining true freedom and original consciousness. 

            Ultimately, relativist positions struggle to provide a foundation for action. Since action is based on priorities derived from personal values, then declaration that value systems and hierarchical organizations of opinions and ethical choices are inherently meaningless leaves one with no firm basis for scientific work. Also, distressing affective states, such as emptiness and insecurity, frequently result from such a world view, and this should be of great concern to mental health professionals. A few years ago a student orator at a Harvard graduation declared “Among my classmates, however, I believe that there is one idea, one sentiment, which we have all acquired at some point in our Harvard careers: and that, ladies and gentlemen, is, in a word, confusion...They tell us that it is heresy to suggest the superiority of some value, fantasy to believe in moral argument, slavery to submit to a judgment sounder than your own. The freedom of our day is the freedom to devote ourselves to any values we please, on the mere condition that we do not believe them to be true” (Bellah, Madsen, Sullivan, Swidler, & Tipton, 1991, pp. 43-44). This nicely illustrates the conundrum of the subjectivists. Though universal acceptance is promoted, this equality is often based on regarding all external manifestations of culture and belief as inherently meaningless. Thus, it may be grounded on patronizing condescension more than genuine respect. If one maintains genuine belief in a concrete value or religious system, then subjectivists may covertly and paradoxically consider the person to be mistaken.

            Like interpretivist social scientists, a Vaisnava focuses on individual consciousness, stressing sensitivity and compassion. However, a Vaisnava does this within a realist, rather than a nominalist, framework. Objectivist underpinnings of Vedic philosophy lead to an educational approach for the Vaisnava counselor, which is opposed to the interpretivist orientation, though the Vaisnava and interpretivist share a conception of innate knowledge within all persons.

            Radical-humanism, defined by concern for social change from a subjectivist reference point, occupies the upper-left quadrant. Theories in this quadrant assert that people are prevented from contacting their original consciousness because of repressive social arrangements that cause individuals to feel alienated and removed from personal experience. Though this paradigm, represented by philosophers such as Sartre and the young Marx, seeks to change society, it focuses on individual consciousness. Like the interpretivist paradigm, radical-humanist theories approach social science from a nominalist, anti-positivist and voluntaristic perspective. Analyses of the subjective aspects of interpretivism apply to radical-humanism. Radical-humanism, however, has the added difficulty of philosophically justifying commitment to social change. To elaborate, radical-humanism denies objective foundations, making it difficult to establish a consistent basis for social advocacy.

            There is a Vaisnava social agenda, involving the development of the spiritually-based varnasrama system. This system facilitates the progression of individual consciousness to higher modes of nature and eventually to the suddha-sattva position, transcendental to the gunas. Still, it may be argued that the prime focus of Vaisnava social scientists is individual consciousness. According to Vaisnava philosophy, advancement of consciousness is not ultimately dependent on external social structures. Furthermore, even if Vedic social organization is established, its efficacy will be determined by the purity of individuals within that organization. This is not to minimize the importance of varnasrama, but rather to emphasize that it is designed to facilitate spiritual advancement, and not as a goal in itself.

            Theorists in the upper-right quadrant, or the radical-structuralist paradigm, advocate social change from an objectivist perspective. The basic approach to science of these theories is similar to functionalist theories, in that it is positivist, realist and determinist. However, the goal for radical-structuralists is social change, whereas functionalist theories tend towards maintenance of the status quo. Like radical-humanists, radical-structuralists critique society, though radical-structuralists focus on social structures, that are considered to factually exist, whereas radical-humanists concentrate on individual consciousness that has been disaffected by social arrangements. The mature Marx is the primary intellectual influence for this paradigm, and current theories within the radical-structuralist paradigm include conflict theory and feminism.

            For a Vaisnava social theorist, material life means struggle. Obviously, social structures and injustices impinge on the individual. As indicated in the analysis of radical-humanism, the fairness and integrity of a social system is predominantly dependent on the consciousness of the persons participating in the system. Therefore, a Vaisnava regards social change as useless without a change in consciousness, since consciousness will ultimately translate into behavior. From the perspective of Vaisnava social philosophy, equality is only possible on the spiritual platform. Material bodies, gross and subtle, are full of inequalities, but spiritually everyone is equal, though unique. Mere alteration of social hierarchy, culminating in a shift of political power from one materially designated group to another, without dispelling the illusion of false identification with the material body, will simply continue the travail of material life.

Applications

An argument could be made that the entire Vaisnava process of bhakti-yoga adheres to the criteria of empirical science. Vedic philosophy is the hypothesis, the practices of bhakti are the experiment, and the results can be experienced by the practitioner. Any number of spiritual scientists can perform this experiment to determine whether the results conform to Vedic theory.

            This discussion will focus on initial phases of Vaisnava practice. Specifically, examples will be given that describe potential application of Vaisnava social science in the material world, as opposed to the spiritual realm. Material reality is governed by the three gunas, or modes of material nature- sattva, rajas and tamas. These constructs are conducive to scientific study because they are elaborately defined in the Vedas. Therefore, they can be fairly easily operationalized for experimentation. Once they are operationalized, replicable methods can be devised for observing and measuring the gunas. Since all Vedic material science is based on the modes of nature, validation of this concept can open storehouses of knowledge for the benefit of the world. In addition to validating the guna constructs, specific Vaisnava practices can be studied with regards to guna theory. Such experiments would not only test the value of particular practices, but would further confirm or negate the concept of the three modes of nature.

            Essentially, modal influences form the material personality of an individual. Gergen, Gulerce, Lock, and Misra (1996), expressing skepticism about the capability of Western psychological constructs to explicate and understand Vedic psychology, have suggested exploration of Vedic psychology on its own terms, with emphasis on the spiritual ontology of personhood. In Vaisnava ontology, this personhood is a spiritual entity that is irreducible, and that is the basis of personal relationships. Only when the spiritual spark is free from the covering of the gunas can the original spiritual personality manifest.

Though there are many Western personality theories and inventories, none adequately estimates the Vedic paradigm. Amongst Western measures, the Myers-Briggs Type Indicator (MBTI), based on C. G. Jung’s theory of psychological types, may come closest to the Vedic conception. This is not surprising, since Jung was influenced by Eastern thought. The MBTI was formulated with an orientation towards vocational preference (McCaulley, 1990), and there are some conceptual similarities between the MBTI dimensions and the varnas. For example, the MBTI IE (Introvert-Extrovert) scale roughly corresponds to the brahmana-sudra continuum, with brahmanas more conceptually oriented and sudras more physically oriented, with ksatriyas and vaisyas in the middle. Other MBTI scales, however, do not correspond with the varnas, and even those that show some parallels fail to extract the nuances of Vedic descriptions. Thus, the assertion of Gergen, Gulerce, Lock, and Misra (1996) is supported, and a personality theory based on the gunas is necessary to comprehend Vaisnava psychology.

            There have been a few attempts to construct a personality inventory based on the three modes of nature (Pathak, Bhatt, & Sharma, 1992; Rao& Harigopal, 1979; Wolf, 1998, 1999), and Das and Das (1987) have studied managerial approaches in relation to the gunas. Wolf has conducted the most extensive attempt to formulate a scale to assess guna predominance. He devised a 90-item survey, with each question designed to elicit strong agreement from a person predominated by one of the gunas. Guna definitions were primarily obtained from the Bhagavad-gita, Chapters 14, 17 and 18, and confirmed by Vedic scholars. For example, “I am satisfied with my life,” was a sattva item, and “I enjoy spending time in bars,” was a tamas item. A seven-point Likert-type scale was used as the response format. In addition, two existing scales, the Verbal Aggressiveness Scale (VAS) (Infante and Wigley, 1986) and the Satisfaction With Life Scale (SWLS) (Diener, Emmons, Larsen, & Griffin, 1985), were included at the end of the Vedic Personality Inventory (VPI) as measures of construct validity. Construct validity measures the degree to which scores on an instrument correlate with scores on instruments measuring similar constructs. Specifically, rajas was hypothesized to positively correlate with VAS, and sattva was hypothesized to positively correlate with SWLS, while tamas was predicted to negatively correlate with SWLS. Additionally, single-item indicators, such as hours of sleep per day, were included for measurement of construct validity. Six-hundred-nineteen persons participated in the survey.   

            Through statistical analysis, described in Wolf (1998, 1999), the 90-item VPI was reduced to an 80-item scale, which was further studied and then reduced to the final 56-item version. In this research, each guna is a subscale of the VPI. Reliability, or consistency, of a subscale measures the extent to which responses to one question on a subscale correspond to responses to the other questions on the subscale. In essence, this is an assessment of how well the subscale fits together as a unit. Reliability coefficients for the guna subscales ranged from .93 to .94, which indicates strong reliability (Nunnally & Bernstein, 1994). Statistical analysis of measures for construct validity also provided encouraging preliminary evidence for the existence of the gunas. In addition, factorial validity was examined. Factorial validity assesses the extent to which an item corresponds to its intended subscale, in relation to its correspondence with other subscales. The loading of every item in the 56-item VPI is stronger for the intended subscale than for any other subscale. Sattva items generally correlated negatively with rajas and tamas subscales, and rajas items tended to negatively correlate with sattva and positively with tamas. As predicted by Vedic theory, all tamas items negatively correlated with the sattva subscale

            The VPI was used in experiments on the effects of chanting the Hare Krsna Maha Mantra, which is described in many of the Vedas, including the Kali-santarana Upanisada, the Narada Pancaratna, and the Agni Purana (Prabhupada, 1972), as an important mantra for improving mental health. A single-system pilot study was conducted on five subjects, with dependent variables including spirituality, life satisfaction, verbal aggressiveness, stress, depression, well-being, sattva, rajas, and tamas. Five subjects were measured during a one-week baseline and a four-week intervention chanting phase. Results were in the direction predicted by Vedic theory (Wolf, 2001), and warranted a more rigorous group study on the intervention.

            Primary hypotheses of the group study were that the maha mantra group would increase sattva, and decrease stress, depression, rajas and tamas, significantly more than the control and alternate mantra groups. Subjects were tested at pretest, posttest, and followup, with testing times separated by 4 weeks. Participants were randomly assigned to one of the three groups. MANOVA results supported hypotheses based on Vaisnava theory from pretest to posttest at p<.05 for all dependent variables except rajas. This suggests that the Hare Krsna Maha Mantra has potential in addressing problems related to stress and depression. It is also recommended that the maha mantra be considered as one possible component of a spiritual approach to social work practice. Based on this research, several practitioners have already begun to utilize the Maha Mantra in clinical work (Wolf, 2002), and to use the VPI in further research projects (e.g., Caturvedi, 2000).

These are examples of how positivist, nomothetic research methods can be used in Vaisnavism. There are many possible extensions of such research. For instance, mental health practitioners could obtain guna profiles for clients, indicating the degree of predominance for each mode. Then, an intervention could be evaluated based on changes in the guna profile. To illustrate, the Vaisnava practice of japa meditation is designed, through the medium of sound vibration, to help someone rise from tamas and rajas to sattva and higher realms of consciousness. According to Vedic theory, depression is a symptom of tamas. By practicing japa meditation, one should rise to sattva, and the depression should be alleviated. This could be assessed with an instrument such as the VPI. Similarly, excessive anxiety is likely caused by an over-abundance of rajas. Sattvic practices, according to Vedic theory, should mitigate stress, and this could also be measured with a guna scale. Many Vaisnava practices, such as rising for brahma-muhurta and a prasadam diet, could be evaluated with empirical methods of social science.

            Techniques for studying Vedic theory and Vaisnava practices could include qualitative and quantitative approaches, active or passive methods, and a macro or micro focus. Research based on the modes of nature, such as testing the efficacy of mantra yoga, could utilize single-system designs or experimental group methods. For areas that remain relatively undefined, qualitative approaches may be more appropriate. For example, though varnasrama theory is extensively explained in the Vedas, it is unclear how to implement varnasrama in the modern age. Active, qualitative techniques, such as participant-observation and open-ended interviews, can be used to obtain rich information about Vaisnava community life and formulate models for implementation of a Vaisnava social system. Several qualitative studies of Vaisnava communities in the West have been conducted (e.g., Zaidman-Dvir, 1994; Rochford, 1985; Daner, 1976). Such studies could culminate in theories that could then be tested with quantitative approaches. To illustrate, a quantitative approach to Vaisnava social organization could involve a guna instrument specifically designed to differentiate varnas. Another illustration of guna research applied to social issues involves crime prevention. According to guna theory, criminal activity results from rajas and tamas, the lower modes of nature. Cleanliness is characteristic of sattva. Hence, it could be hypothesized that by markedly increasing efforts to clean an area, crime will decrease in that location. This hypothesis is conducive to a group design involving several urban areas, some implementing the cleanliness program and others serving as a control group. Preliminary evidence for such a sattva-based crime-prevention program already exists (Gladwell, 2000).

            One may argue that Vaisnava researchers are inherently biased. In response, it should be noted that all scientists have biases. A good researcher acknowledges biases and personal values. Bias is minimized by rigorous methodology, which includes a design that can be replicated. Hence, a Vaisnava social scientist, like other social scientists, should acknowledge researcher bias and attempt to minimize it by strong methodology. From a Vaisnava viewpoint, acquiring real knowledge requires spiritual vision and detachment from material desires. Bias and distortion result from material attachment, and thus spiritual advancement reduces bias.

Conclusion

            Though Burrell’s and Morgan’s (1979) four paradigms are meant to be comprehensive, mutually exclusive, and not susceptible to synthesis, analysis of the Vaisnava standpoint on the social and mental health sciences with respect to the paradigms reveals that the framework is not adequate for classification or comprehension of Vaisnava social science. Though there are other systems for categorization of social science theory, the schema of Burrell and Morgan is popular amongst academicians, and, in support of the position of Gergen, Gulerce, Lock, and Misra (1996), the analyses of this paper indicate that the Vaisnava perspective is not amenable to dichotomies characteristic of Western debate. Rather, the content and process of Vaisnava social science deserve to be studied from a Vedic perspective.  

            Further, Vaisnava theory can augment and enrich discussion of social science issues. In many areas, as described above, Vaisnava philosophy offers synthesis and resolution of debates. For instance, in addressing the matter of voluntarism versus determinism, the Vaisnava approach harmonizes polarities with the ontology of the gunas and the spiritual self. In social science research, sole adherence to positivist methods and epistemologies are perhaps on the wane. Theorists are proposing alternative systems, most of which include positivist techniques as well as other approaches. For instance, Heneman’s (1981) heuristic model suggests a pragmatic, problem-solving approach to research problems. Qualitative and quantitative techniques are accorded equal status in this model, and are selected according to the nature of the research question and available resources (Heineman, 1981). A Vaisnava approach to research supports an eclectic perspective, but goes further in that it offers a common foundation for qualitative and quantitative methods. With the goal of extrication from the modes of nature as a benchmark, research methods can be chosen and evaluated for effectiveness. These are some examples of how Vaisnava theory can inform discussions in the social sciences.

            Apart from theoretical and methodological considerations, Vedic systems and techniques can be usefully applied in many areas. As these techniques are increasingly verified by empirical research, the Western world, which is strongly impressed by empirical methods, will be inclined to adopt these practices. Examples and ideas for study of japa meditation were described earlier. Additionally, Ayurveda contains many mental health interventions, for conditions such as neuroses, psychotic disorders, addictions and memory loss, that can be similarly researched. Treatment of mental imbalances is based on adjustment of vitiated sattva guna, and further study of the gunas can therefore be valuable for mental health professionals. Sociologically, the system of four varnas and four asramas can be studied and experimentally implemented. 

            Finally, the personal emphasis of Vaisnava philosophy can provide a guiding ethic for social scientists. Attempting to remove the covering of the modes of nature, the Vaisnava social scientist seeks to reinstate the original spiritual personality of each individual. Without such restoration, relationships are mechanically conducted on the basis of the gunas. Within the realm of material nature, the Vedas recommend governing relationships according to scriptural regulation, as delineated in the varnasrama system. This ethic is based on material propensity and duty. Genuine compassion, however, is based on spiritual relationship, unfettered by the gunas. Jane Addams, a founding mother of the social work profession, is cited by philosophers (Beauchamp, 1982) as a person for whom compassion, a quality that clearly guided her life, was not a matter of duty. Rather, it derived from spontaneous concern for others. Thus, social philosophers recognize the value of ethics based on pure relationship. According to Vaisnava philosophy, this can only be achieved when the gunas are absent. Consequently, investigating and instituting methods for delivering the self from the gunas is relevant for the social and mental health sciences.

            To summarize, Western techniques for social and mental health science research can be incorporated by the Vaisnava social scientist to study Vaisnava theory and practices. Additionally, the Vaisnava perspective on sociological and psychological issues can nourish and enhance many debates in the field. Vaisnava social science is not satisfactorily accommodated by Western sociological paradigms and should be examined on its own terms. With such study, many Vaisnava practices, as well as Vedic formulations of social structure, may be found to be useful and practical. Moreover, an empathic and merciful ethic based on relationship can emerge from appreciation and analysis of the Vaisnava spiritual ontology of personhood.  

References

Beauchamp, T. L. (1982). Philosophical Ethics: An Introduction to Moral Philosophy. New York: McGraw-Hill.

Bellah, R. N., Madsen, R., Sullivan, W. M., Swidler, A., & Tipton, S. M. (1991). The Good Society. New York: Random House.

Burrell, G., & Morgan, G. (1979). Sociological Paradigms and Organisational Analysis- Elements of the Sociology of Corporate Life. London: Heinemann Educational Books Ltd.

Caturvedi, V. (2000). Vedic Gunas Among Stutterers and Non-stutterers- A Comparative Study. Dissertation in Audiology and Speech Rehabilitation: University of Mumbai

Daner, F. J. (1974). The American Children of Krsna: A Study of the Hare Krsna Movement. Stanford University Press.

Diener, E., Emmons, R. A., Larsen, R. J., & Griffin, S. (1985). The satisfaction with life scale. Journal of Personality Assessment, 49, 71-75.

Das, A. & Das, M. (1987). Organisational behaviours: Search for an Indian Perspective. Abhigyan, Spring, 1987, 7-14.

Gergen, K.J., Gulerce, A., Lock, A., & Misra, G. (1996). Psychological science in cultural context. American Psychologist, 51 (5), 496-503.

Gladwell, M. (2000). The Tipping Point- How Little Things Can Make a Big Difference. Boston: Little, Brown and Company.

Heineman, M. B. (1981). The obsolete scientific imperative in social work research. In K. Tyson, New forundations for scientific social and behavioral research (pp. 109-125). Needham Heights, Massachusetts: Allyn and Bacon.

Infante, D. A. & Wigley, C. J., III. (1986). Verbal aggressiveness: An interpersonal model and measure. Communication Monographs, 53, 61-69.

McCaulley, M. H. (1990). The Myers-Briggs Type Indicator in Counseling. In C. E. Watkins, Jr. & V. L. Campbell (Ed.), Testing in counseling practice (pp. 91-134). Hillsdale, New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc.

Nunnally, J. C., & Bernstein, I.H. (1994). Psychometric Theory (3rd Ed.), New York: McGraw-Hill.

Pathak, N. S., Bhatt, I. D., & Sharma, R. (1992). Manual for classifying personality on      tridimensions of gunas- An Indian approach. Indian Journal of Behaviour, 16 (4), 1-14.

Prabhupada, A. C. B. S. (1972). Bhagavad-gita As It Is. Hong Kong: Bhaktivedanta Book Trust.

Rao, P. V. K., & Harigopal, K. (1979). The three gunas and ESP: An exploratory investigation. Journal of Indian Psychology, 2 (1), 63-68.

Rochford, B. (1985). Hare Krishna in America. New Jersey: Rutgers University Press.

Wolf, D. B. (2002). Examining the effects of meditation techniques on psychosocial functioning. Research on Social Work Practice [volume and issue not yet known.]

Wolf, D. B. (2001). Effects of the Hare Krsna Maha Mantra on some mental health indicators. The Indian Journal of Social Work, 62 (2), pgs. 151-168.

Wolf, D. B. (1999). A psychometric analysis of the three gunas. Psychological Reports, Vol. 84, pgs. 1379-1390.

Wolf, D. B. (1998). The Vedic Personality Inventory: A Study of the Gunas. The Journal of Indian Psychology, Vol. 16 (1), pgs. 26-43).

Zaidman-Dvir, N. (1994). When the Deities are Asleep: Processes of Change in the Hare Krishna Temple. Doctoral Dissertation for Temple University, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.